Hmong Refugee Experiences

By Ma Vang and Chia Youyee Vang

Content and Historical Overview

This chapter will introduce educators to the topic of Hmong Refugee Experiences as a diverse range of experiences for Hmong who were forced to leave Laos after the Laotian Civil War or U.S. “Secret War” (1961-1975). It will also explain the temporary shelter they sought in refugee camps and their resettlement in the United States. The contents and concepts in this chapter will provide a strong foundation to support students’ discussion and encourage further learning. This chapter is not meant to serve as a complete history of Hmong refugee experiences. Because Hmong historical experiences are not easily found in documents and archives, and the history of Hmong involvement in the “Secret War” was kept from the American public, Hmong history is always unfolding as different families tell their stories of war and forced migration.

Some key messages from this chapter include: understanding that Hmong people have a long history of migration that predates the United States’ involvement in Laos which forced their displacement; Hmong migration has been caused by colonization and war, which pushed families or entire villages to seek livelihood elsewhere; Hmong refugees are political, militarized immigrants who were sponsored by the United States government; and Hmong refugee experiences continue to shape the lives of American-born Hmong who may be two or three generations removed from the actual experience. 

Some compelling questions to engage students in discussion may include: How do we tell the stories and experiences of a group of people whose history was not supposed to exist? Did Hmong refugees escape from Laos with the help of the United States? Did the invisibility of Hmong refugees stop them from working to achieve recognition? The chapter will go over some key concepts, as well as refugee policies, before explaining Hmong refugee experiences of leaving Laos, entering refugee camps, and ultimately resettling. Additionally, the chapter will answer supporting questions that include: What are Refugee Camps and who determines Refugee Status? What were Hmong Refugee Camp Experiences? What did Hmong do in Refugee Camps?

Key Concepts

Diaspora is the dispersion or spread of a people from their original homeland, often involuntarily through persecution, slavery, war, and economic dispossession. The term diaspora is most often associated with an understanding of Judaism and the Jewish diaspora, but has been expanded to include Armenian, African, and Asian diasporas, among other groups. More than simply describing the experience of migration, diaspora is a concept that “helps to explain the world created by migration.”

According to the United Nations, refugee is the legal category defined by the 1951 Refugee Convention. Refugees experience forced migration due to war and/or (the fear of) persecution due to political,  religious, gender, and sexual identities and affiliations. Migration may also result from climate change (especially for Pacific Islanders experiencing rising sea waters), earthquakes, and other environmental disasters. Receiving legal recognition by the UN as a refugee means one is entitled to the legal protections of non-refoulement (no refugee should be expelled from the country of refuge and returned to an unstable home against their will) and the opportunity to resettle in the country of refuge or a third country. The refugee protections also extend to those who are internally displaced within their country of residence. While the refugee designation comes with important protections, there are limitations to the definition that result in displaced peoples not receiving the same treatment. In short, not everyone who experiences forced migration is classified as a refugee or receives the protections that accompany this designation. Since the 1951 Refugee Convention emerged out of Europe during the post-WWII era and pertained to European forced migrants, its application today excludes people who flee from economic disasters, gang violence, or other forms of persecution that may not be immediate such as colonialism, current forms of political unrest, or military dictatorships that result from neoliberal global economic policies (i.e. North American Free Trade Agreement). Many who attempt to seek asylum from fears of gang violence and lack of job opportunities in their home countries are often deemed economic and/or undocumented migrants. In addition, refugee designation may depend on an individual's race or the timeframe of their departure (after the UN cutoff date for refugee processing). Common discourses about immigration tend to center on voluntary migrants who are in search of greater economic opportunities. However, many immigrants leave their homes involuntarily due to war and other forms of violence that are not recognized as refugee-producing circumstances. Leaving their country as an immigrant may have been their only choice.

Critical Refugee Studies Collective Definitions

Refugees and immigrants know that the distinctions between these designations are often misleading because immigrants flee forms of persecution that remain unrecognized by the UN. In addition, the legal protections for refugees are limited and many refugees face hardships both during and following the process of resettlement. In fact, resettlement serves to absolve state governments of military, economic, and other threatening actions that force people to flee. Refugee migration is evidence that historical and political injustices have taken place, as reflected in the refrain, “we are here because you [the U.S.] were there.” Recognizing these realities, the Critical Refugee Studies Collective redefines the refugee in the following way to center refugee experiences and account for the many different causes of forced displacement: “Refugees are human beings forcibly displaced within or outside of their land of origin as a result of persecution, conflict, war, conquest, settler/colonialism, militarism, occupation, empire, and environmental and climate-related disasters, regardless of their legal status. Refugees can be self-identified and are often unrecognized within the limited definitions proffered by international and state laws” (The Critical Refugee Studies Collective). 

This re-definition uplifts refugee humanity and agency so that forced migrants do not have to wait for the UN or state governments to declare that they are refugees. Self-recognition allows refugees to tell their stories and demand protection as human beings, even if they may live in precarious situations. Within this redefinition of the refugee, stories can operate as refugee knowledge because they are filled with histories and experiences that are not easily found in history books or classroom textbooks. Refugees are people who have been forced to move, fleeing with little possessions. By telling their stories, refugees open a window into the limits and contradictions of legal definitions. Refugee storytelling speaks back to refugee laws and media representations. Storytelling allows refugees to demonstrate that they are more than their fear, and that they can still live fearlessly. The poem “Home” by Warsan Shire (2017) is an example of refugee storytelling about forced migration from home.

1951 UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees 

Following World War II millions of Europeans were displaced from their homes. In response, governments set up international agreements to provide travel documents to these people, the first recognized refugees. During this time, a number of guidelines and laws were established to protect the basic human rights of people fleeing conflict and persecution in order to ensure their fair treatment. In 1950, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), better known as the UN Refugee Agency, was established to help process displaced peoples and help them find refuge. This collection of laws and guidelines culminated in the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (hereafter referred to as the Convention) as the centerpiece of refugee protection. The Convention established a legal definition for the refugee, which has remained the international standard for granting refugee status. 

The definition of a refugee outlined in Article 1 of the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and modified by the 1967 UN Protocol Relating to the Status of refugees is any person who:

Owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it.

The Convention is a status and a rights-based instrument that is guided by some fundamental principles including non-discrimination, non-penalization, and non-refoulment. Within the Convention and the UNHCR, UN solutions to refugee situations include: 

• Voluntary repatriation (going back of one’s own free will) if and when possible;
• Monetary assistance to countries housing refugees; or
• Resettlement in a new country.

Indochina Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1975 

Following the fall of Saigon on April 30, 1975, the U.S. Congress passed the Indochina Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1975 on May 23, 1975 to provide assistance to “...aliens who (A) because of persecution or fear of persecution on account of race, religion, or political opinion, fled from Cambodia or Vietnam; (B) cannot return there because of fear of persecution on account of race, religion, or political opinion; and (C) are in urgent need of assistance for the essentials of life.” Those fleeing Laos were added in 1976. This act established the Indochinese Refugee Assistance Program to allow refugees to access public assistance.

Refugee Act of 1980

In the post-World War II era, responses to refugee crises were ad hoc. With the passage of the Refugee Act of 1980, Congress set annual ceilings and established policies and procedures for refugee resettlement. This act established the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR), appointed a Coordinator for Refugee Affairs, and formalized a process of federal aid for refugees for up to 36 months. 

 The following lessons in the Hmong Refugee Experiences Area of Study in the Hmong History and Cultural Study Model Curriculum will facilitate student understanding of refugee policies and resettlement experiences: “Overview of Refugee Policies and Hmong Resettlement” and “Contextualizing the Hmong Refugee Experience: Policies and Impacts.”

Leaving Laos

After the U.S. withdrawal from Saigon in 1975, American CIA personnel in Long Cheng, Laos planned an evacuation from Laos. Long Cheng was the military base of the “secret army” and General Vang Pao, a Hmong military leader recruited by the CIA to command the fighting in Northeastern Laos. They airlifted General Vang Pao and his immediate family with other high-ranking Hmong military officers and their families to Thailand. This happened during the communist takeover and persecution of Hmong who were affiliated with the United States. When they learned about the evacuation, thousands of Hmong living in Long Cheng, Xieng Khouang also sought to leave on one of the planes. Long Cheng was the military base of the “secret army” and General Vang Pao, a Hmong military leader recruited by the CIA to command the fighting in Northeastern Laos. Between May 11 and May 14, 1975, 2,500 people were airlifted by C-130 cargo planes.  Thousands of Hmong who waited at Long Cheng’s airstrip were left behind and forced to find other ways of leaving Laos and finding safety. In order to  flee Laos and escape persecution under the new communist regime, many Hmong hid in the jungles. Some people escaped on foot through the jungle, while others crossed the Mekong River by boat or make-shift rafts. A large portion of the Hmong population stayed in Laos either because they could not escape, they were captured and sent to reeducation camps, or found ways to co-exist with the new government. While there is no concrete data regarding the Hmong population in Laos, it is estimated that there were approximately 300,000 Hmong living in Laos, of which 35,000 died during the war. It is believed that 20,000 Hmong died after 1975 as the result of either persecution, starvation, yellow rain (a chemical weapon used against Hmong who were fleeing Laos), drowning, or violence committed by the communist Pathet Lao. 

In listening to the stories of Hmong elders, it is clear that there is no single Hmong refugee story regarding how they escaped. Furthermore, the escape across the Mekong River into Thailand was not the first time that Hmong fled from violence during the war. Many Hmong elders recount fleeing from village to village in order to escape the fighting as it got close to their homes. This form of internal displacement is common among refugee stories because people typically wait to flee their country until they have no choice but to leave. Hmong children, women, and elders were most affected by this constant displacement while their husbands, sons, and brothers were off fighting as soldiers in the “secret army.” The large scale of internal displacement at this time converted Long Cheng from a military base into a bustling city.  Entire villages practically (most often from Luang Prabang province) relocated to provinces with less intense fighting such as Sayaboury (Xiagnabouli) across the Mekong River [for a Map of Laos, visit https://www.cia.gov/resources/map/laos/]. 

The internal displacements also separated families such that the young soldiers and their immediate families might live in Long Cheng while their larger families including parents, grandparents, and aunts and uncles stayed in the villages. As a result, many families fled separately after the U.S. withdrew from the war. The evacuation of military personnel was especially painful as families escaped separately. Sometimes, families decided to split up and leave separately so as to attract less attention and increase their chances of making it to safety across the border to Thailand. Other times, families who were fortunate enough to stay together faced the challenge of escaping in a large group that could easily be detected and attract communist gunfire. There are heart-wrenching stories of families encountering communist soldiers, silencing their crying young children with bits of opium that became lethal, or leaving dead loved ones or injured loved ones to die. Those escaping saw dead bodies as they passed through areas that other families had been. Some starved, fell ill, or died from chemical warfare as they attempted to escape. Others drowned in the Mekong River while attempting to cross its raging waters during the monsoon season (May to October). Some elders also remember the anguish of leaving their homes, their flourishing rice and corn fields, and livestock and pets behind in a rush. Among those who believe in Shaman spirits, the rushed manner of leaving meant they did not have time to tell their ancestral spirits they were fleeing or call their own spirits to accompany them. This spiritual dimension of loss is just as impactful as the material aspects of losing country, home, village, family, and personal possessions.

Nonetheless, Hmong experiences of leaving Laos reflect their resilience as a people who endured incredible loss and tragedy. It is important to note that the departure from Laos continues to be a deep source of pain due to the violent and traumatic nature of the escape. The primary resources of oral interviews, with Sia Ly Thao, Mai Lee, and Keeb Kwm Tswv Teb Chaws, from the Hmong History Project feature refugee stories that reflect a wide array of experiences surrounding the escape from Laos. It is important to note that in sharing about their experiences of escape, many elders often say Nyab Laj (Vietnamese) without making the distinction between Communist and non-Communists. Sometimes elders will use Viet Cong to refer to Communists attacking their villages or shooting at them during their escape. While Vietnamese communists played the dominant role, the many soldiers coming after Hmong as they escaped were Lao communists. These oral stories facilitate greater intercultural and intergenerational understanding. 

What are Refugee Camps and who determines Refugee Status?

Refugee camps are typically used to describe settlements of people who have escaped war. They are temporary camps built up by governments, the UN, or international organizations, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross or other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), to receive refugees. Generally, the camps are set up in an impromptu fashion and designed to meet basic needs for only a short time. Most can be quite dirty and unsafe for the refugees. Some of the services and support include:

• Emergency food & medical supplies;
• Sleeping accommodations (minimal building constructions or tents);
• Other relief items, such as blankets, clothing and cooking utensils;
• Hygiene facilities (cleaning and toilets);
• Communication equipment (e.g. radio, loudspeaker);
• Education for children; and
• Protection and containment (e.g. barbed wires and security guards).

What were Hmong Refugee Camp Experiences?

The vast majority of Hmong escaped by crossing the Mekong River that separates Laos from Thailand. After crossing the border, patrols guards or Hmong guides took them to designated camps. Next, they were registered by camp authorities and given camp identification materials. They were also provided with household items to meet their basic needs (food, blankets, etc…) while they waited for resettlement opportunities in “third countries.” The latter process involved applying for resettlement, being interviewed several times to determine eligibility, and if accepted, then preparing for departure to the host country.

Since most Hmong lived in the northern part of Laos, they registered at one of the camps set up on the Thai side of the border. From the late 1970s through the early 1990s, Hmong entered one of eight camps: Chiang Khong, Chiang Kham, Ban Nam Yao, Sob Tuang, Ban Vinai, Nong Khai, Ban Napho, or Ubon Thani. Some Hmong refugees were routed through refugee camps in the Philippines and other nearby countries. Over time, Ban Vinai eventually housed the largest number of refugees. When refugees were approved for resettlement to a third country, they were transported to the transition center at Phanat Nikhom. When Ban Vinai was closed in 1992, the remaining Hmong who did not want to repatriate to Laos or resettle in a third country were allowed to create a refugee camp on the grounds of the Buddhist Monastery, Wat Tham Krabok. From 2004-2006, most of the monastery’s nearly 15,000 inhabitants were resettled to the United States.

What did Hmong do in Refugee Camps?

Below is a list of some of the activities Hmong families participated in while staying in the refugee camps:

• Children attended school—Thai ministry provided elementary education;
• Some refugees, mainly men, were able to serve as interpreters, medical assistants, food distributors, etc;
• Many women sewed pa ndau (paaj ntaub or paj ntaub) to be sold to Westerners and others made Hmong clothes to be sold to co-ethnics in western countries;
• Women and men made story cloths, which are a form of Hmong paj ntaub that was created in the refugee camps to tell Hmong stories and to earn income;
• Blacksmiths made knives, hoes, and other utensils for co-ethnics in western countries to purchase;
• Some men and women would work as day laborers on nearby Thai farms
• Most, however, lived day to day with minimal activities;
• Many relied on money sent from their relatives who had resettled in third countries for survival;
• In general, “normal” life activities continued: children are born, people get married and divorced, the sick and elderly die, funeral ceremonies take place, and families are torn apart due to refugee resettlement in third countries.

Multiple lessons (using primary sources: images, videos, songs, etc.) in the Hmong History and Cultural Studies Model Curriculum will guide students to understand the historical/geographical context of refugee camps, but also the lived experiences of life in the camps. These lessons include “Portrait of a Refugee Camp” and “Critical Hope of Hmong People in Thailand Refugee Camps.”

U.S. Refugee Resettlement Program

Since Hmong involvement in U.S. military operations in Laos were kept secret from American officials and the public, State Department staff and lawmakers who crafted the U.S. Refugee Resettlement Program (and eventually the 1980 Refugee Act, which established the Office of Refugee Resettlement) did not know about Hmong refugees who were escaping from Laos. The program initially allocated 55,000 spots for the evacuation of Vietnamese refugees. As Hmong refugees arrived in Thailand to seek refuge, the world did not know from what they had escaped. Some of the refugees filled 11,000 of the 55,000 spots that were not filled by Vietnamese refugees, only after Lionel Rosenblatt, a State Department staff charged with resettlement, learned about the Hmong plight. News footage (“Former U.S. refugee coordinator talks about creative ways to disguise the Hmong in resettlement documents“) is available in Works Cited. 

Refugee Dispersal 

The Indochina Migration and Refugee Act of 1975 and the Refugee Act of 1980 created processes for refugees to resettle in the United States. The United States resettled approximately one million Southeast Asian refugees, including Hmong, Vietnamese, Cambodian, Lao, Mien, Khmu, between 1975 and 2000. Despite the passage of legislation to resettle refugees, more Americans opposed resettlement (54 percent) than those who were in favor (36 percent), according to a 1975 Gallup poll. This lack of public support prompted resettlement planners to try and minimize the impact of refugee resettlement. U.S. refugee resettlement policy enacted a process of dispersed resettlement to share the impact across different states. Planners also sought to minimize the financial burden by fast-tracking refugee self-sufficiency and facilitating  cultural assimilation. As a result, extended families of refugees were resettled into different states through resettlement centers in Virginia, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Minnesota, Oregon, Washington, and California. Refugee resettlement happened through a “public-private, church-state effort” in which U.S. resettlement services contracted voluntary agencies to aid refugees by providing food and clothing upon arrival, helping them find housing and jobs, and facilitating their assimilation through language acquisition and other skills classes. Most of the voluntary agencies were religious organizations (i.e. Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service, Catholic Charities, Church World Service, and the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops). Other agencies included the International Rescue Committee and the International Institute of Minnesota. Eventually, family members who arrived between 1975-1980 were able to sponsor their extended family who resettled between the mid-1980s and the mid-2000s. Since 1975, Hmong refugees represent about 10% of all Indochinese/Southeast Asian refugees resettled in the United States. See the below Chronology of Hmong migration to the United States:

• 1975 Indochina Migration & Refugee Assistance Act refugees fleeing Cambodia & Vietnam
• 1976 Act extended to Laotians
• 1977 Some states created ad hoc committees to help resettle Southeast Asian refugees. Wisconsin Indo-China Refugee Relief
• 1980 The U.S. Refugee Act established policies and procedures for refugee resettlement, including orientation to life in the U.S. while abroad.
• 1992 United Nations–sponsored Ban Vinai refugee camp in Thailand closed
• 1995 Chiag Kham camp closed, halting resettlement of all Hmong refugees
• 2003 U.S. State Department announced will resettle Hmong refugees living in Wat Tham Krabok (Thailand)
• 2004 Several U.S. delegations visited Wat Tham Krabok to assess the health conditions of refugees in early 2004; the first families arrived that summer.
• 2006 Wat Tham Krabok “camp” officially closed

Settlement Patterns

Although more than 40,000 Hmong had been resettled to the United States by 1980, the 1980 Census counted only a little more than 5000 Hmong (Bureau of the Census, 1988) . Refugee policies that dispersed Hmong all over the country made it difficult to count the numbers because Census outreach efforts did not include Hmong refugees. While many remained in the areas where they arrived initially, others practiced chain migration by moving to other regions with larger Hmong populations. Today, California, Minnesota, and Wisconsin have the largest Hmong populations, respectively. See the below census data enumerating estimated Hmong peoples living in the United States.

• 1980 5,000
• 1990 94,439
• 2000 186,310
• 2010 260,073
• 2020 305,525

Secondary Migration

Secondary migration is a process where refugees move after their initial resettlement to join family and build community. The refugee resettlement method of dispersal may have addressed policy makers’ concerns about the burden of developing concentrated refugee communities in certain states, but it had the opposite effect for refugees who were separated from their extended families and friends. Hmong refugees found themselves isolated in areas with few Hmong families. Many experienced isolation and loneliness during the first few months or years after arrival in the United States. After learning about families who were resettled in other states, they moved again to join their families. Hmong families chose to move to states with job opportunities, good climates for farming, and generous public and private social services to support their community building efforts. This form of secondary migration saw Hmong populations grow in California, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. Those arriving after the secondary migration chose to resettle in these new locations. Merced and Fresno, California, for example, were sites of secondary migration. Some families surveyed Merced as a potential location to build a large Hmong community. While it was not the destination of initial resettlement, the city and county presented an opportunity for families to become self-sufficient through farming. Many families bid farewell to their church sponsors and moved to Merced. Secondary migration demonstrated that the resettlement practice of dispersal had failed. Hmong refugees exercised agency by building community and seeking opportunities anew for their families. 

While the United States saw the highest number of Hmong refugee resettlement, refugees also resettled in France, Australia, Argentina, Canada, Germany, and French Guiana. Smaller populations of Hmong continue to live in these countries and maintain connections with their families in the United States, Thailand, or Laos. A segment of the Hmong refugee population did not resettle in a third country. Instead, they integrated into Thai society and today they live in Hmong-majority villages in northern Thailand near Chiang Mai. 

 

References

Borja, M. (n.d.). “The new way”: How American refugee policies changed Hmong religious life.” Organization of American Historians (OAH). https://www.oah.org/tah/november-5/the-new-way-how-american-refugee-policies-changed-hmong-religious-life/

Bureau of the Census. (1988). Asian Pacific Islanders in the United States: 1980. In 1980 Census of Population, Volume 2, Subject Reports. https://www2.census.gov/prod2/decennial/documents/1980/1980censusofpopu8021e_s1_bw.pdf [census.gov]

CIA. (2020). Laos Administrative Division [Image]. Retrieved from https://www.cia.gov/resources/map/laos/ 

Garret, M. (2017, March 13). “Home” poem by Warsan Shire [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nI9D92Xiygo

HMONGAC. (2018 October 4). What were the Hmong’s roles during the Vietnam War?. Hmong American Center, A Community Center. https://www.hmong

Kenny, K. (2013). ‘What is diaspora’, Diaspora: A very short introduction (New York, 2013; online edn, Oxford Academic, 24 Sept. 2013). Accessed 12 September 2023, https://doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199858583.003.0001

Park, S. (2016). "Indochinese Refugee Resettlement Office, 1975–1986." MNopedia, Minnesota Historical Society. Accessed 12 September 2023 http://www.mnopedia.org/group/indochinese-refugee-resettlement-office-1975-1986  

The Race. (2021, September 17). Animation: A Hmong refugee's journey [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rX-DHTuZvHE 

Thao, T. (2007). "Interview with Sia Ly Thao." Hmong Oral History Project. 20. https://digitalcommons.csp.edu/hmong-studies_hohp/20 

The Critical Refugee Studies Collective. (n.d.). Retrieved from criticalrefugeestudies.com. 

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (n.d.). Convention and protocol relating to the status of refugees. UNHCR: The UN Refugee Agency.  https://www.unhcr.org/media/convention-and-protocol-relating-status-refugees

Vang, C. Y. (2010). Hmong America: Reconstructing community in diaspora. University of Illinois Press.

Vang, G., KARE11. (2022, June 13). Former U.S. refugee coordinator talks about creative ways to disguise the Hmong in resettlement documents [Video]. YouTube. https://www.kare11.com/article/news/local/kare11-sunrise/lionel-rosenblatt-hmong-resettlement-laos-center-studies/89-2df58cc1-048c-4e92-81f0-c99e783e4888 

Vang, M. (2021). History on the run: Secrecy, fugitivity, and Hmong refugee epistemologies. Duke University Press.

Vang, M. D. (2021). “Yellow rain: A reckoning and re-investigation into the dismissing of Hmong allegations.” Entropy. Retrieved December 8, 2021, from https://maidervang.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Entropy-Yellow-Rain-A-reckoning-and-re-investigation-Dec.-2021-Mai-Der-Vang.pdf 

Vang, M. N. (2005) "Interview with Mai Lee." Hmong Oral History Project. 12. https://digitalcommons.csp.edu/hmong-studies_hohp/12 

Vue, V. (2018, November 15). Keeb kwm tswv teb chaws (Life history of fleeing one’s country). The Critical Refugee Studies Collective. https://criticalrefugeestudies.com/archives/keeb-kwm-tswv-teb-chaws-life-history-of-fleeing-ones-country   

Supplementary Resources

Filmakers Library. (2001). The split horn: The life of a Hmong shaman in America. Available on WorldCat or PBS.

Iris Film and Video. (1982). Becoming American. Available on WorldCat.

Vang, M. D. (2015, May 27). Heirs of the ‘secret war’ in Laos. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/28/opinion/heirs-of-the-secret-war-in-laos.html

Yang, K. K. (2009). The place where we were born [Video]. Internet Archive. https://archive.org/details/Handmadevideo-ThePlaceWhereWEWereBorn157-2